Charles Simić o nezavisnosti Kosova

Charles Simić (rodjen 1938. u Beogradu), od 2007 američki Poeta Laureate, piše o nezavisnosti Kosova i odmereno predstavlja američkoj javnosti političku scenu u Srbiji.

The Troubled Birth of Kosovo

The decision of the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany, and a number of other countries to break with international law, which regards the territorial integrity and sovereignty of states as sacrosanct, and to permit Albanian separatists in Kosovo to declare independence from Serbia was an act so extraordinary in international relations that it had to take place outside the United Nations, where its illegality would have been hard to justify. The excuse given for this initiative is that the ethnic cleansing and humanitarian catastrophe caused by Serbia in 1999 exempted the countries that hurried to recognize Kosovo on February 17, 2008, from the rule stipulating that international borders can be changed only with the agreement of all parties.

After congratulating the Kosovars on their independence, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice explained that this was to be "a special case," the sole exception ever to the rule of territorial integrity of nations under international law, and that separatists elsewhere ought not to look upon this act as a precedent. Spain, Portugal, Greece, Slovakia, Malta, Bulgaria, and Romania—nearly a third of the member states of the European Union—were unimpressed by her explanation and have so far refused to recognize Kosovo. They also doubt that the brutal treatment of Kosovars by former Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic is the only reason for the United States' decision. As is almost always the case when it comes to the Balkans, a local dispute has been used by the great powers to advance their own national interests, which have little to do with the desire to have justice done.

"Had Kosovo declared its independence two years ago, when the Russians barely cared about what was going on in the Balkans, the process would have been easier," an Albanian wrote to The Boston Globe the other day. He's right. The Serbian loss of Kosovo was inevitable, not because Serbs do not have legal and historical rights to the province, but because Albanians, after their own turn at ethnic cleansing since 1999, outnumber them there ten to one and have no intention of being ruled by them ever again. Moreover, a lot of Serbs know, though they won't say it publicly, that having two million Albanians who hate your guts under the same roof is not a sensible option.

Pročitajte ostatak teksta iz The New York Review of Books.

Planovi

Ovde su linkovi do PDF fajlova Ahtisarijevog plana (skraceni Report of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Kosovo's future status, i nezvanicni prevod Comprehensive proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement) i do rezolucije 1244.

Martti Ahtisaari i njegovi planovi

Nikako nisam uspeo da pročitam detaljno šta je u planu, ali najviše me zanima da sve što se tiče živih ljudi na Kosovu i svih materijalnih ostataka tamo bude sačuvano i nadgledavano na međunarodnom nivou sa žestokom kampanjom od strane Srbije da se isto dosledno sprovodi, sa već nekom institucijom ili telom koje je za to zaduženo. Samo na taj način efektivno može da se sačuva prisustvo, a to je valjda suština.
U tom smislu mislim da bi regulative kakve su na snazi u SAD prema Indijancima (Native Americans) mogle da se sprovode i na Kosovu i nadam se da tako nešto stoji u Ahtisarijevom planu. To znači: očuvanje svih grobalja i mesta sahrane; svih "kulturnih" objekata koje su vlasništo muzeja, izložbenih prostora i svih neotkrivenih kulturnih objekata koji bi mogli da završe u muzeju; svi sveti objekti - crkve, oltari, manastirski kompleksi, spomenici različitih namena, bunari, vodenice, hrastovi ili već kakvo posvećeno drveće, itd; i svi arheološki i etnografski predmeti samostojeći u slobodnom ili zatvorenom prostoru ili neotkriveni. (U mom trulom i nepraktičnom antropološkom domišljanju) najvažnije s tim u vezi je da već neko nekakvom inicijativom obezbedi da populacija koja živi na Kosovu, i ljudi koji hoće, mogu da posete sve to što se čuva.
I sad, prošao je 10. decembar, rok za predrazrešavanje statusa - Karla del Ponte neviđeno drami pošto odlazi sa funkcije, a njena monumentalna neuroza i sve pretnje nisu dovele do najvažnijih izručenja i do njenog nešto svečanijeg povlačenja, Boris Tadić traži načina da se pokaže ili da se ipak samo razmotri da li je legalno da se Kosovu dodeli nezavisnost, a Vojislav Koštunica poručuje da je rat legalno sredstvo u borbi protiv separatizma. Istorijsko-politička poređenja sa drugim, slično jadnim sredinama u govnima samo dodatno razvlače agoniju ili produžavaju nadu, zavisno od ugla gledanja. Cela stvar je neviđeno jednostrano predstavljena u Srbiji, bez osvrta na mišljenja stvarnih ljudi koji tamo žive. Čak i ovakva rečenica - da se ljudi koji žive na Kosovu ni za šta ne pitaju - je otužna jer je ponovljena previše puta bez ikakvog efekta.
Ne znam kao da završim ovu crticu, kad smo se Boban i ja ovlaš dogovarali oko forme bloga razmišljali smo da li da ga učinimo relevantnim, ali smo jednoglasno ostali na nepretencioznim osnovama. Besmisleno mi je i donekle sebično da u sadašnjem kontekstu dešavanja pričam o svojim željama jer je uprano pretenciozno, ali definitivno bih voleo bih da odem na Kosovo i da posetim muzej u Prištini i popričam sa ljudima, pogledam lokalitete i crkve, prođem od Suve Reke do Prizrena.

Vladimir Arsenijevic u Die Zeit

Hteo sam da pisem o ideji dodvoravanja ili ulizivanja zapadu, i kako se olako - bez ikakvog premisljanja i kriticnosti - ta sintagma poteze u Srbiji, ali sam u odugovlacenju nabasao na ovaj tekst. Prosto mi nije jasno zasto je ovako formulisan, nebalansiran i nedovoljno informisan. Ne umem da procenim gde je u ovakvim tekstovima granica izmedju oportunog pisanja i pisanja iz iskrenog ogorcenja (ili bi tu onda trebalo postaviti i pitanje: ogorcenje u vezi sa cim?).
Arsenijevicev clanak je naslovljen "Our negroes, our enemies" - sto je legitimna teza, ali sa opstim mestima razvijena na problematicno prost nacin - i ima specificnu tezinu jer je objavljen vani, ili mozda bas zbog toga nema.

Serbian writer Vladimir Arsenijevic outlines the calamitous relationship of his compatriots to the Albanians.

For all ex-Yugoslavs, but particularly for the Serbs, the Kosovo Albanians used to be simply "our negroes." Nowadays, however, they are cast as Serbia's arch-enemies – a myth ruthlessly exploited by nationalist politicians, even as negotiations take place over the future of the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, which has been under UN administration since 1999. If anyone in Western Europe asks how all this could have happened, I can tell them, for I have watched and listened to this story unfolding in my country.

The country that used to be mine, the former Yugoslavia, was ethnically and culturally extremely diverse. Marshall Josip Broz Tito used to call this diversity our Yugoslavian "melting pot." In reality, though, it was never that. After Tito's death the country's diversity was tragically instrumentalized; it became socially divided, split ethnically and culturally into sub-groups and economically into a hierarchy of better-off and worse-off regions. Post-Tito Yugoslavia thus became a proverbial European vertical.

Dalji tekst u Sign and Sight (prevod sa nemackog na engleski), a obavezno pogledajte i link do Milosevicevog govora na Gazimestanu.